| I giovani
badolatesi protestano Oggetto: I
Giovani Badolatesi Protestano: Diffondete & Aderite...
Cari amici, giovani calabresi vicini e lontani,
Il 3 gennaio di quest’anno, constatato lo stato sempre più grave
di totale abbandono non solo infrastrutturale ma anche e
sopratutto sociale e culturale del nostro comprensorio del basso
jonio, di Badolato in particolare, abbiamo fatto appello alla
nostra coscienza organizzando una marcia libera, una
manifestazione di sostegno alla lotta di Franco Nisticò per la
S.S. 106, introducendo inoltre un pizzico di provocazione per
smuovere tutti i cittadini.
Potete vedere foto, comunicati, articoli al
seguente link.
http://www.badolato.info/gilbotulino/fotoservice/20060103_badolato_foto.asp
Ebbene, durante quei giorni di vacanze
natalizie, ci siamo ritrovati in pochi, i cosiddetti giovani,
gente che vive, lavora e studia lontano da Badolato a fare
diretta esperienza del decadimento del ns comprensorio, un
totale abbandono infrastrutturale e sociale, una totale apatia e
nessuna voglia di partecipazione a nulla da parte della
popolazione. Ci chiedevamo in cosa consisteva il progresso di
Badolato, qualora ve ne fosse, ma ahimé era una domanda dalla
risposta inesistente.
Ci veniva però in mente la lotta continua e
smisurata di Franco Nisticò per l’ammodernamento della S.S. 106
e della ferrovia jonica, che seguivamo da lontano. Proprio in
quei giorni la famosa strada della morte mieteva ancora vittime,
e l’impegno di Nisticò ci sembrava sempre più senza sostegno e
appoggio da parte della cittadinanza o istituzioni, che lo
avevano isolato e reso ormai un predicatore nel deserto da
diverso tempo, predicatore contro le istituzioni sempre più
sorde e cieche. Per noi invece è diventato il pretesto per voler
dire a tutti che noi, pur vivendo lontano, ci siamo, siamo
presenti e che volevamo non solo sostenere chi già lotta per i
diritti e per il bene del ns comprensorio, ma volevamo provocare
e dare una scossa anche ai residenti e al torpore generale.
Se non siamo noi stessi a lottare per il
nostro progresso socioeconomico, se non ci facciamo quanto meno
sentire, se non addirittura rispettare, come fanno in altre
parti d’Italia, chi volete che si occupi di portare avanti
questa zona della Calabria ormai ultima in Europa? Siamo la
soletta o sottoscarpa dello stivale d’Italia in tutti i sensi
ormai!!
Ma chi siamo, noi cosiddetti Giovani del
Comitato Gennaio 2006? Siamo innanzitutto liberi e puliti, e non
abbiamo colore politico. Potremmo anche darci un nome e anzi chi
vuole può proporlo. Siamo i “Ragazzi di Calabria” o i pacifici
“Nuovi Briganti”. Fate voi! Siamo in sostanza il nostro stesso
futuro e vogliamo costituire la coscienza sociale che le
istituzioni e politici dovranno sempre più ascoltare perchè
sempre più ci faremo sentire pacificamente. Vogliamo essere
stimolo o meglio pungolo per i nostri amministratori.
Vogliamo comunicare come fanno i giovani
facendo tam-tam con email e sms per raccogliere adesioni e
spargere il ns grido di protesta, raccogliendoci in gruppo e
costituendo quindi una forza, preparandoci ad essere una base
sociale che richiama l’attenzione sui problemi del ns
comprensorio, quei problemi, tanti e di diversa natura che
soffocano ogni sviluppo. Vogliamo agire e già questa
lettera/articolo è un invito ad aderire al nostro movimento e
fare gruppo. Vogliamo coordinarci meglio e definire insieme le
prossime azioni di protesta pacifica per contribuire a sollevare
dal dimenticatoio la ns calabria. Vogliamo reclutare tutte le
coscienze che hanno a cuore lo sviluppo di Badolato e andare
oltre coinvolgendo tutti i paesi vicini.
ADERITE AL MOVIMENTO
Spargete quindi la voce e inviate la comunicazione ai vs amici e
conoscenti. Uniamoci e diventiamo una forza. Sottoscrivete il ns
movimento lasciando email e numero sms al sito che ci ospita,
quello della consulta giovanile,
www.galluccifausto.it/cgbulixes/giovani2006
Verrete cosi informati, coinvolti e invitati a partecipare alle
nostre prossime azioni se lo volete.
Comitato Giovani 2006
(gilbotulino 28-3-2006) |
| Why Silvio isn't
smiling
Il
settimanale americano Newsweek (comunista) ha dedicato
l’articolo di copertina a Berlusconi con il titolo: “Why
Silvio isn’t smiling (Perchè Silvio non ride più)”.
Se lui non ride più adesso, gli italiani non ridono più da un
pezzo.
 The
Rise and Fall of Berlusconi
is Italy's flamboyant leader going down in flames?
By Crhistopher Dickey
Newsweek international
April 3, 2006 issue - The lights were set up, the camera was
ready. Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi stood in front
of the Italian and European Union flags, ready for a portrait,
but he stopped for a second to chat with an American reporter. "You
know," he said, practicing a line he would use before a joint
session of the U.S. Congress a few days later. "When I see the
American flag, I don't see just a symbol of a country, I see a
symbol of freedom and democracy." He smiled, satisfied. "And the
European flag?" thet reporter asked. Berlusconi seemed a little
taken aback. He paused and thought. "Under construction," he
said.
Listening to the 69-year-old billionaire turned politician's
increasingly frenzied politicking against the euro and Brussels,
one might think "under destruction" would be more accurate—especially
if Berlusconi manages to win his uphill bid for re-election on
April 9 against former European Commission president Romano
Prodi. Right now, however, that seems unlikely. Berlusconi's
political machine is in meltdown. The candidate's first
televised debate was a disaster. His coalition and his cabinet
are out of control. Instead of tending to allies, he's battling
the big business interests that ought to be his core support—all
of them alarmed by Italy's seemingly unstoppable economic slide.
Along with much of the rest of Europe, they hope more and more
for a Prodi victory. But while many of Italy's ills can justly
be laid at the door of its flamboyant prime minister, those that
matter most—and most threaten the rest of Europe—will persist no
matter who wins this year's closest and most important election.
It wasn't supposed to be this way, at least in Berlusconi's eye.
He imagined winning a second term by sheer force of personality,
thrusting himself onto the public stage to showcase his natural
advantages: ebullience, charm and take-charge personal
confidence. But that strategy seems to have backfired. Tense and
defensive, he looks these days like he probably feels—a man
whose hopes for staying a step ahead of Italy's vindictive
prosecutors (by running the country) are coming to a potentially
ugly end. The latest polls show him behind by 3.5 to 5 points, a
gap that has lately widened rather than narrowed. The winning
smile that has long been his emblem looks increasingly like a
rictus. Berlusconi's last best hope is that the Socialists'
famously soporific Prodi will so thoroughly bore the electorate—or
the extremist fringes of Prodi's cobbled-together leftist
coalition so appall it—that at the last moment Italians will
throw up their hands and return to the long-running political
carnival that has been Silvio's Circus.
It would be premature to count him out, of course. As the
longest-serving Italian prime minister since World War II, he
has brought admirable political stability to a country notorious
for its lack thereof. Yet Europe wants him gone, for good reason.
Partly it's his government's uncanny knack for infuriating
European leaders, which at times seems almost pathological. At
the height of the controversy over Muhammad cartoons earlier
this year, one Berlusconi minister donned a T shirt emblazoned
with a particularly insulting caricature of the prophet. (The
minister resigned, but not before 14 people were killed in
anti-Italian riots in Libya.) Harking back to 2003, when
Berlusconi likened a German member of the European Parliament to
a "kapo" in a concentration camp, a member of his cabinet just
last week compared the Netherlands' legalization of euthanasia
to Nazi eugenics. Even the government of Berlusconi's ally Tony
Blair has been rattled by accusations that the Italian magnate
involved the husband of a British cabinet member in money
laundering and tax evasion, a charge both men deny.
The real danger that Berlusconi's Italy poses for Europe,
however, is economic. Over his tenure, Europe's fourth largest
economy has become its weakest link. From an already anemic
growth rate of 1.8 percent in 2001, Italy slowed to 0.0 last
year. Niente! The country faces such "profound, serious problems,"
new Central Bank Gov. Mario Draghi said this month, that it has
"run aground." And worries are growing that the country will be
an increasing drag on the rest of the European Union. "There's
no doubt that Italy is the sick man of Europe," says economist
Tito Boeri of the prestigious Bocconi University business school
in Milan.
Is Berlusconi to blame? Of course not, he trumpets, pointing an
accusatory finger at the economic crunch following the terrorist
attacks on the United States in September 2001, a few months
after he took office. "Europe probably suffered most, after what
occurred, because of its inability to adjust," Berlusconi told
NEWSWEEK last month. In his version of history, restrictions on
debt and the rising strength of the euro are at the heart of the
problem. "Four years ago," said Berlusconi, "to buy a euro, 82
cents of a U.S. dollar were enough. Today you need $1.20. What
does this mean? That any European product is more expensive by
50 percent!" Thanks to Brussels, "our companies have their hands
tied, are crushed, are squeezed between the hypervaluation of
the euro, the many regulations they have to comply with, and
competitions from new economic systems led by China and India
which, among other things, resort to unfair competition."
Berlusconi doesn't go so far as to say he'd pull out of the euro
zone, if re-elected. In his interview, he put it more obliquely:
"I'll try to convince my colleagues to open their eyes and
change, which is not very easy." Despite Berlusconi's hot
rhetoric about the euro, he knows the cold realities. When Italy
had the lira, sure, Rome could devalue whenever necessary to
jump-start exports. But those tactics brought on double-digit
inflation, forcing families and small businesses to become
currency speculators if they wanted to survive. The sense of
insecurity that created is one reason earlier governments were
so shaky and short-lived. The EU stability pact that underwrites
the euro has been in place the whole time Berlusconi has held
office—and probably helped to keep him there, if only by forcing
his government to keep its spending under some semblance of
control. Berlusconi recognizes as well as anyone that Italy's
economic decline would probably accelerate under more-populist
policies. "Deficits would go sky-high," says Antonio Missiroli,
chief policy analyst at the European Policy Center in Brussels.
"You could end up with a sort of Argentina-like crisis."
In fact, Italy could end up there anyway, with or without
Berlusconi. The man who made billions by building a private
media empire likes to present himself as the paradigm of
entrepreneurship and a great friend of business. And to be fair,
he has introduced new flexibility into the labor market and
managed to reform the pension system further. But while he talks
about the bottom line, he's really about razzle-dazzle. What
sounded like bold concepts for cutting taxes and government
bureaucracy when he took office in 2001 now smacks of what some
call "spaghetti economics." As Italy's economy has declined, Il
Cavaliere has made almost no effort to introduce the sort of
serious reforms that could reverse the slide. "In his five years
there were neither big privatizations nor structural reforms,"
says Boeri. "His idea was just to raise public expenditure and
cut taxes to revitalize demand." It didn't work. Many European
businessmen now worry that, eventually, Italy's economy will
deteriorate to such an extent that the country could be forced
out of the euro zone even if Berlusconi doesn't really want to
go that route—and even if Prodi, Mr. Europe, is elected.
In a sense, Italy is the proverbial apple that poisons the
barrel. Consider the situation Prodi finds himself in. Even if
he wins by a substantial margin, he will have a hard time taking
the economic steps he considers necessary. Reason: thanks to
changes in the electoral law pushed through by Berlusconi, Italy
has returned to the old system of proportional representation
that created such unstable coalitions in the past. "The country
will be much less governable," says John Harper at the Bologna
Center of Johns Hopkins University. Yet obviously, painful
decisions must be made. Italy's trade deficit for 2005 surpassed
¤10 billion, a result of both skyrocketing energy costs and
rising labor expenses. European budget deficits are supposed to
be held to 3 percent of GDP annually. Several countries have
exceeded that, but Italy, at about 4 percent, is among the worst.
And its example makes it easier for other countries to justify
slipping beyond the bounds.
Compare Italy's zero growth with other nations of Europe: Spain
at 3.4 percent, the U.K. at 1.8 percent, France at 1.4 percent.
Only by Italy's standards could such performance be considered
anything but anemic. Yet at a time when Europeans need to
believe in change, Berlusconi has actually helped discredit the
kind of free-market reforms needed to make Italy's economy, and
Europe's, more dynamic. He likes to cite the successes of Ronald
Reagan in the United States and Margaret Thatcher in Britain,
but he has been utterly unwilling to walk their walk. Italian
economic and industrial policies are so hapless, in fact, that
the country's business class is in open revolt. One of
Berlusconi's most aggressive critics is Diego Della Valle, chief
executive of the global clothing and shoe behemoth most famous
for the Tod's brand. After Della Valle took Berlusconi to task
for his failures, Berlusconi denounced him as a businessman who'd
"gone out of his mind and supports the left." Nor did he stop
there. Della Valle "must have many skeletons in his closet, and
many things that must be pardoned," Berlusconi went on to say,
seemingly oblivious to accusations that he himself has misused
his office and his power in the legislature to block or defeat
criminal prosecution for his own business dealings. As for Della
Valle, he dismissed the prime minister as "a man on the edge of
a nervous breakdown."
Italy's prime minister thus looks increasingly isolated. "Berlusconi
is running alone this time," says Gianfranco Pasquino, author of
a dozen books on Italian politics. His coalition partners have
not only distanced themselves, they've taken to sniping at him.
Fellow conservatives in other European countries are clearly
uncomfortable. Germany's former chancellor Helmut Kohl, a key
architect of European construction and the mentor of current
Chancellor Angela Merkel, recently endorsed Berlusconi's
opponent as "my friend" and said that only Prodi is "capable of
restoring Italy to its place in Europe." In case anyone missed
the point, Kohl underlined it: "Let me be clear: I am here to
support a great European. [Prodi] is an excellent example of
cosmopolitan Italy, linked to his roots but capable of looking
beyond borders."
Under the circumstances, it is perhaps natural that Berlusconi
would seek solace elsewhere. President George W. Bush, for one,
still calls him "my friend." For Berlusconi's vocal support of
democracy, his talk of free enterprise and for committing
thousands of Italian troops to support the 2003 American-led
occupation of Iraq, he won a standing ovation from the
Republican-dominated Congress in Washington last month. The
moment probably marked the high point of his election campaign
back home, if only because it's rare that Italians have seen
that kind of homage paid to one of their leaders. For a day or
so, he was called l'Americano in the press with some grudging
admiration. Meanwhile, the mercurial prime minister began a
pullout last year of all the Italian forces in Iraq, amid
concerns that Italy will be targeted by terrorists just as Spain
was in 2004 and Britain last year.
After Berlusconi came back to Italy, both friends and enemies
expected him to come on strong in the first televised debate
with Prodi. But his performance went flat. Since then he's
complained of back pain, and even taken enforced time off. Can
Berlusconi recover his élan as well as his health? Only a few
days are left in the campaign. April 3 brings another TV debate,
in which the prime minister will be fighting for his political
survival. The battle will be watched intently, at home and
abroad. Detractors rooting for his fall cannot help but be
mindful, however, that Berlusconi's passing would in many ways
be only a prelude to further trouble. His escapades and
pratfalls have been a diversion from Italy's grave, and growing,
problems for far too long. Indeed, the country's difficulties
are so formidable that any successor would have to be almost
superhuman to overcome them. Is Prodi that man? Or will he find
that, in his struggle to do the job that Berlusconi ducked,
Italians do not want to follow? The stability that Berlusconi
brought to the landscape might very well give way to the
fractured, internecine politics of yore, with little agreement
on where the country should go or how it should get there. This,
ultimately, might be Berlusconi's legacy. Win or lose, Europe
will be dealing with him and his works for many years to come.
With Jacopo Barigazzi in Milan, Eric Pape in Paris, Barbie
Nadeau in Rome and Friso Endt in The Hague
Newsweek, 3 aprile 2006
(gilbotulino 28-3-2006) |
| Saving Italian
Science
Nature, la rivista scientifica (comunista) più
importante del mondo ha pubblicato un articolo, dal titolo "Saving
Italian Science", sullo stato della
ricerca scientifica in Italia dopo la devastazione dei cinque anni di permanenza
di Berlusconi al governo.
SPECIAL REPORT
Saving
Italian science
As the general election looms, candidate prime minister
Romano Prodi strives to convince Italy’s discontented scientists
that he can turn things around. Alison Abbott reports.
Last autumn, Romano Prodi, a candidate
for Italian prime minister, proposed a
thought experiment to a group of top scientists. “If you had an
additional €400 million
(US$480 million) a year for five years to rescue
Italian research, to be allocated during the first
100 days of government, what would you do
with it?” he asked.
Prodi had summoned 20 or so scientists to
his Fabbrica, a think-tank housed in Bologna
where he has been developing his government
platform.
The short answer came fast: “We would double the number of
researchers.” Italy’s research
force is currently half the size of comparably
large, rich countries. The longer answer comprised a ten-page
document published last
December, which lists the many problems with
Italy’s underperforming research sector, and
how they might be tackled. The bottom line:
too much bureaucratic incompetence and an
unreasonable demand for immediate returns,
as well as too little money and meritocracy.
The conclusions won’t surprise most Italian scientists.
“Physicists have developed a
theory for chaos, but Italy is now running
an experiment in chaos,” comments Carlo
Rubbia, a 1984 physics Nobel laureate and,
until last year, president of the Italian energy
and environmental agency ENEA.
But the document proposes how to bring
order. Its concerns and recommendations are
now feeding back into detailed action plans for
a government science programme that can be
agreed by all nine parties of Prodi’s centre-left
Olive Tree coalition.
Mathematician Luciano Modica is a former
head of the Conference of Italian University
Rectors (an association of university chiefs),
and now a member of Prodi’s union. He says,
for example, that the document’s proposal for
an independent authority to evaluate research
done in all publicly funded research institutes
and universities is now a central concept in
the proposed government programme. “It
would eliminate the unfair and inefficient elements in the
Italian academic system,” he says.
The scientists summoned by Prodi, none of
whom is affiliated to a political party, argue that
the problems have been there for decades, but
have worsened in the past four years of Silvio
Berlusconi’s rule. The government has reduced
Italy’s scarce science funds for basic research,
they say, and oriented the sector to applied
research.Berlusconi’s centre-right coalition has
not issued formal statements about science in
the run up to the elections next month, but
sources close to Berlusconi indicate a continuation of this
philosophy.
Uphill struggle
“The situation wasn’t good before, but the
Berlusconi government made it much worse,
says Giorgio Parisi, a theoretical physicist at
the University of Rome, ‘La Sapienza’. “Perhaps the worst thing
that has happened has
been damage to the research agencies,” adds
Massimo Inguscio, an atomic physicist at the
University of Florence. He says a series of
much needed but failed reorganization
attempts over the past decade have left agencies like the
National Research(CNR) and the National Institute for the
Physics of Matter with unclear sets of rules,
imposing a culture of extreme
uncertainty, “which is not supportive of free research”.
Others have openly criticized
Berlusconi’s set of politically
appointed agency heads as scientific lightweights, who lack
the charisma needed to defend
the Italian tradition of research
(see ‘Careless with the truth’).
Curiously, the problems of
Italian scientists have not so far
translated into an equivalent
dearth of high-quality research.
Given the difficult conditions
in which many have to work, the
output in fundamental research is relatively
impressive; in number of publications and
publication impact, Italy scores seventh out of
the world’s 140 highest-performing countries.
Some point out, however, that the latest assessments include
data that are already five years
old, so may not reflect the harder times that
have come recently
As Italy spends only half the European Union
average on research and development, the issue
of money is on everyone’s mind. But most agree
that more money alone is not the answer. Filippo Andreatta, a political scientist at the University of
Bologna and one of Prodi’s chief
advisers, says that although more money is foreseen — that
indeed was the point of Prodi’s
thought experiment — funds will be limited as
Italy is struggling to stay out of recession. More
important, he adds, a centre-left government
would “turn upside down how we give money”.
In effect this means making new rules to
ensure fair and effective competition for
research jobs and funds. This may not be
music to the ears of Italian scientists, who
despair of what they call La riforma continua,
referring to the reforms to research organizations and
recruitment procedures that began
with Prodi’s first term of office in 1996, and
that have not stopped since.
The CNR, for example, which runs 100
research institutes, has had three major but
ineffective shake-ups in the past decade. And,
hampered by the confusion, universities are
still trying to achieve the goals of a 1990 law
that gave them autonomy to run their own
budgets. Continuing uncertainty over rules
has meant that few new research programmes
have been launched.
But Rossella Palomba, a social demographer
at the CNR Institute for Population and Social
Policies in Rome, and a member of Prodi’s group
of scientists, says that “some restyling is unfortunately
necessary, at least to ensure that academic
recruitment allows us to hire the best people”.
For those used to seeing academic positions
advertised publicly as soon as they become
available, the system of Italian recruitment
competitions, or concorsi, seems incomprehensible. Until 1998,
all jobs at universities and
research institutes were organized centrally
in Rome; every year or two, there would be a
single mass announcement, and phone systems
would become jammed with personal lobbying. Since then, a series
of changes have
attempted to leave recruitment decisions to the
institutions involved, while trying to discourage the tendency
to recruit locally.
Chaotic inclination
But because many universities continued to fail
to recruit outsiders, research and education
minister Letizia Moratti reintroduced a type of
centralized concorsi system, in a decree that
was forced into law last November.
This recentralization would be reversed by a
centre-left coalition, says Modica. “We need to
create an environment where universities both
have the right to choose their own candidates
and feel compelled to choose the best.” He
favours “a controlled ten-year transition linked
to evaluation, to allow universities to adapt to a
new culture where they are penalized if they
recruit poorly”.
The Olive Tree coalition also foresees two
other policy changes. One would tone down
the emphasis on research with immediate
applications, introduced by the Berlusconi
government. This industry-friendly philosophy included
reorienting the CNR’s mission
from fundamental to applied research. Despite
its unpopularity among scientists, Fabio Pistella, appointed by
the government as the CNR
president in July 2004, says the focus on applications must
continue. “Italian industry
invests little in research and the CNR’s mission
is now to fill this gap — scientific papers are
not the only measure of success of a good
research organization.”
The other shift in policy would reintroduce
sources of research grants that have all but
dried up, as well as more con-“The situation wasn’t concern
ventional mechanisms for dis-found no consensus in Prodi’s
tributing them. Even the CNR good before, but the coalition is
the issue of
has virtually no money for Berlusconi government embryonic
stemcell research.
actual research projects; most made it much worse.” The research
community
of its budget is eaten up by
running costs.
The CNR researchers can team up with university professors who
are eligible to apply for
scarce university project grants distributed by
the research ministry. But the ministry has
also come under attack for inefficient management of the grants.
One international research
programme rejected 60% of its grant applications as invalid —
including many from very
experienced researchers.
Cell biologist Jacopo Meldolesi from the
Vita Salute San Raffaele University in Milan,
who is president of the Italian Federation of
Life Sciences, had his application rejected
before review for not meeting all criteria. This
was despite him getting reassuring answers to
his phone and e-mail enquiries. “Obviously
the programme was not explained properly to
applicants,” says Meldolesi, who was also a
member of Prodi’s group of scientists.
One concern that has found no
consensus in the Prodi's coalition is the issue of embryonic
stemcell research. The research community would like to see more liberal rules, as the authors of the December document make clear. But
Catholic and conservative coalition partners oppose loosening
the embryo-protection laws, which are among the strictest in Europe.
Some things will have to wait until after the April elections, acknowledges Giovanni Bignami, an
astrophysicist at the University of Pavia, who chaired Prodi’s group of scientists. But he says: “We were happy to have been consulted by
politicians. That hasn’t happened in a while in Italy.”
CARELESS WITH THE TRUTH
Several high-ups in Italy’s research
organizations have come under fire for
making dubious boasts.
- The CNR president Fabio Pistella claims
to have 150 scientific publications on his CV;
this was submitted to the Italian parliament
in support of his presidential nomination in
2004. But Le Scienze reported in January 2006
that ISI cites only three publications by
him. Pistella told Nature that some of his
publications are old and in Italian, “and the
roles of the CNR president in any case require
management skills”.
- Claudio Regis, the vice-commissioner of
ENEA, the Italian environmental agency, uses
the formal title ‘Engineer’. But on 2 August
2005 the Corriere della sera newspaper
reported that he is not listed as qualified with
the Italian Guild of Engineers. Regis did not
respond to requests for clarification.
- In the Bologna newspaper Il resto del Carlino
on 3 January 2006, Sergio Vetrella, the
president of ASI, the Italian Space Agency,
was reported to have claimed that Italy will
build a telescope on the moon. But the agency
has no such plan. Vetrella told Nature he was
misquoted, but the journalist argues that he
approved the text. On 28 February, Vetrella
announced a call from ASI’s website for ideas
for moon-related plans.
Nature, Vol 440, 16 marzo 2006
(gilbotulino 28-3-2006) |
Rosa
Calipari e Nuccio Iovene domani a Lamezia Terme
